Cultural Taboos and Women's Diets in Ethiopia

In Ethiopia, a well-known saying goes: ‘a seasonal disaster is better than a woman who eats too much’ (ከሴት ሆዳም የአንድ አመት በረዶ ይሻላል). While it may sound humorous, such expressions reveal deeper cultural attitudes about women and food. Proverbs and sayings reinforce gender norms that influence food distribution and consumption within households.

Food is more than nourishment in Ethiopia. It is closely tied to culture, beliefs, and identity. Across the country’s diverse communities, traditional practices and food taboos shape daily eating habits, particularly for women of reproductive age. Certain foods may be avoided due to cultural or religious beliefs. These practices can limit the variety of foods women consume and reduce access to important nutrients. Drawing on my PhD research in Ethiopia´s Amhara region, this article explores how cultural traditions and social norms influence women’s dietary behaviour and dietary diversity among women of reproductive age.

Why Women’s Nutrition Matters

Women’s nutrition is essential for both individual health and broader public health outcomes. Women of reproductive age (15–49 years –WRA) have increased nutritional needs due to pregnancy and lactation. Inadequate nutrition during these periods can lead to maternal anaemia, low birth weight, preterm birth, and impaired physical and cognitive development in children. These effects can perpetuate an intergenerational cycle of malnutrition. Therefore, improving women’s nutrition is critical for breaking this cycle and promoting long-term health.

Ethiopia faces a significant burden of malnutrition among women of reproductive age. According to the Ethiopia Mini Demographic and Health Survey (2019), approximately 17.6% of women of reproductive age are undernourished, and about 22.6% of women were underweight, with rural women more affected than urban women (Dagnew & Asresie, 2020). Anaemia affected around 23% of women nationally, particularly in rural areas (Dagnew & Asresie, 2020, Global Nutrition Report, 2022). In the Amhara region, 2023 surveys report that 24% of WRA were underweight and 22% were anaemic (EPHI, 2023). Although less common than undernutrition, overweight and obesity are rising, especially in urban areas; for example, a 2021 study in Dire Dawa found 63.1% of women were overweight (Tegegne & Belete, 2022). This combination of undernutrition, micronutrient deficiency, and emerging overnutrition highlights the complex nutritional challenges facing Ethiopian women.

There are multidimensional factors that affect the dietary behaviour of WRA at different levels. At interpersonal level such factors comprise household dynamics including household food allocation and distribution, and women's lack of decision-making power and workload; the community level comprises the physical environment and cultural beliefs. The physical environment includes the accessibility and availability of resources that may affect the dietary diversity of WRA, such as access to clean water and access to energy for food preparation. Cultural beliefs result in culturally rooted food restrictions and socially constructed Amharic proverbs and sayings lead to food restrictions; and at the institutional level such as social networks as well as religion and religious practices including fasting strongly influence individuals' behaviour, values, beliefs and practices.

Certain stages in life such as pregnancy, childbirth and the postpartum period are particularly characterized by beliefs and dietary rules, which influence what, when and how women eat. This can have negative consequences on the health of the women, as their energy and nutrient requirements are increased during pregnancy and lactation. These factors restrict women's nutritional intake, further exacerbating their risk of malnutrition. Understanding these social and cultural influences is essential for designing interventions that improve WRA nutrition.

1. Cultural Food Practices and Taboos: When Culture Shapes the Plate

Food taboos

Ethiopia is characterized by remarkable cultural and religious diversity, and these traditions strongly shape everyday food practices. The country is home to over 80 ethnic groups and as many languages, and its population follows diverse religious traditions, with approximately 44% identifying as Ethiopian Orthodox Christian, 34% as Muslim, and 19% as Protestant (Central Statistical Agency & ICF, 2016).  These varied religious affiliations contribute to different dietary norms, fasting practices, and culturally defined food restrictions within the communities.

Across the country, many communities observe food restrictions commonly known as food taboos where certain foods are avoided due to cultural traditions, religious beliefs, or social norms, regardless of their nutritional value. Such practices play an important role in shaping dietary behaviour, particularly among WRA, by influencing both food choices and intra-household food distribution. My study showed that women of reproductive age are especially affected because they often have limited decision-making power over food selection and allocation, where other household members are given priority, and are expected to adhere more strictly to cultural norms. In addition, pregnancy and breastfeeding periods are frequently associated with intensified food taboos, further restricting the intake of nutrient-rich foods such as animal-source products. As a result, these gendered and life-stage-specific expectations increase women’s vulnerability to inadequate dietary diversity and nutrient deficiencies.

My study showed that meat from cattle, sheep, goats, and chickens is generally accepted, while meat from pork, donkey, horse, and certain domestic animals is considered taboo, with these prohibitions observed consistently across regions and social groups.

Beyond these nationwide restrictions, some food taboos vary regionally; for example, camel meat and milk are commonly consumed among pastoralist communities in eastern and northeastern Ethiopia but are largely avoided in the Amhara region. In my study area goat meat is associated with bad spirits/misfortune, which can cause sickness and is, therefore, considered a taboo food. Goat milk and lamb milk are also restricted in places where a cultural taboo exists in the community. These food taboos affect the entire community, but women especially during pregnancy experience heightened social pressure to comply, reflecting cultural expectations about their role in upholding household and community practices.

In the Amhara region, pregnant women often avoid foods such as meat, eggs, yogurt, bananas, linseed, and chicken because of beliefs that these items may cause pregnancy complications or excessive fetal growth, making labor more difficult. Such practices, though deeply rooted in tradition, can unintentionally limit dietary diversity and reduce access to essential nutrients. As a result, understanding the intersection of cultural norms, gender roles, and regional practices is essential for improving maternal and child nutrition in Ethiopia, highlighting the need for culturally sensitive interventions that respect local beliefs while promoting access to nutrient-rich foods.

As a result, understanding the intersection of cultural norms, gender roles, and regional practices is essential for improving maternal and child nutrition in Ethiopia, highlighting the need for culturally sensitive interventions that respect local beliefs while promoting access to nutrient-rich foods.

Proverbs and sayings

Beyond food taboos, proverbs and sayings also influence women’s diets. In Ethiopia, proverbs and sayings play a significant role in shaping social norms. Amharic proverbs often reflect traditional beliefs about nutrition, health, and the responsibilities of women in the household. Proverbs serve not only as moral guidance but also as informal nutritional advice, transmitting cultural wisdom across generations. These expressions are woven into everyday life, influencing women’s dietary habits, reinforcing social expectations, and shaping perceptions of what constitutes appropriate and beneficial food for women. Overall, they illustrate a fascinating intersection between cultural tradition and health behaviour, where oral wisdom continues to impact dietary practices.

Although few proverbs directly address women’s food consumption, many emphasize responsibility, caregiving, and self-sacrifice, which indirectly influence dietary practices. These cultural expectations often shape how food is distributed within the family, sometimes leading women to prioritize others over their own nutritional needs. Thus, proverbs function as a form of social guidance, reinforcing norms that can influence women’s nutrition indirectly rather than through explicit dietary advice.

For example,

• “ሴት ልጅ መንገድ ላይ አትበላም“ (set liji menged lay atbelam): a woman should not eat on the street (in public);
• የሴት ምራቋ ወፍራም ነው (yeset mɨrak’wa wefram new): a woman’s saliva is thick, so a woman cannot be hungry/she does not need to eat much, and
• (ሴት ልጅ ወደ ጓዳ፣ ወንድ ልጅ ወደ ሜዳ): women should stay and work in the house while men should work outside the house.

I found that proverbs and saying indirectly discouraged women from eating adequate and nutritious diet. Expressions such as “እንኳን የሸመተ የአረሰም አይችልሽ”: “No one can cover your food expenses as you (the woman) are a voracious eater” are used to criticize women perceived as eating excessively, suggesting that even someone who worked hard might struggle to satisfy her appetite – and causes WRA to have inadequate dietary diversity.

Another proverb, “ከሴት ሆዳም የአንድ አመት በረዶ ይሻላል”: “a seasonal disaster is better than a voracious woman”, similarly promotes the expectation that women should eat modestly and avoid appearing greedy. Such expressions contribute to the regulation of women’s eating behaviour by associating restraint with social acceptability and thus prevent women from having an adequate dietary diversity.

Furthermore, I found that Amharic proverbs and sayings reflecting gender inequality in terms of giving priority to men regarding food – which in turn cause restrictions on the dietary behaviour and nutrition of WRA. For instance, the proverb ቅልጥም እና ፈረሰኛ ለአባወራ (k’lt’m ena feresegna leabawora): “a girl/woman should not eat prized portions of meat” implies that these should be reserved for the husband. Those 82.9% of WRA who accepted this and behaved accordingly had inadequate dietary diversity.

While they may appear humorous, such sayings often carry expectations of modesty and self-restraint that discourage women from seeking a diverse and adequate diet. Over time, these norms can affect how food is shared within households, with women frequently placing the needs of others before their own. The study showed that cultural beliefs and practices limited their access to nutritious foods and reduced the variety in their diets, with negative consequences for their health and well-being.

Some scholars describe this pattern as a form of “food violence,” highlighting how everyday cultural practices can quietly shape unequal outcomes. Unless these deeply rooted ideas are openly questioned and gradually changed, efforts to improve women’s nutrition and promote empowerment may not achieve their full impact. Addressing such cultural influences is therefore an essential part of supporting healthier and more equitable food practices.

2. Who Eats First? Household Dynamics and Gender Inequality

Ethiopian society remains largely structured around patriarchal norms, where women’s roles are often confined to domestic responsibilities such as cooking, childcare, and supporting agricultural work. Within many households, food allocation follows a hierarchical order influenced by these sociocultural expectations, with men and elders typically receiving priority. As a result, women frequently eat last and may consume smaller portions or leftovers, particularly when food is limited.

Such intra-household dynamics have important implications for women’s nutrition. I found that more than half of WRA served food to other family members before eating for themselves. Among these, inadequate dietary diversity was especially common. This suggests that unequal food distribution can restrict women’s access to nutrient-rich foods, ultimately increasing their risk of poor nutritional outcomes.

In Ethiopia, household income and purchasing decisions are typically controlled by men, which can restrict the inclusion of animal-source and other nutrient-rich foods in the family diet. Although women are primarily responsible for meal preparation, they often have limited influence over food purchasing, and the distribution of nutritious foods. In Amhara region women who were not involved in household decisions experienced inadequate dietary diversity. This underscores the importance of women’s empowerment in improving access to household resources.

These patterns can have significant nutritional consequences, particularly for WRA. Improving women’s nutrition, therefore, requires looking beyond the plate. It calls for greater awareness, culturally sensitive approaches, and efforts to empower women within their homes and communities. When women have a stronger voice in decisions about food and resources, the benefits extend beyond individuals to families and future generations. Creating more equitable food practices is not just a matter of nutrition, it is a step toward healthier and more balanced communities.

3. Faith on the Menu: How Religious Fasting Shapes Women’s Diets

Religious traditions also strongly influence dietary behaviour of WRA.  Fasting practices are deeply embedded in the major faith traditions. The Ethiopian population is religiously diverse, with the largest groups being followers of Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo religion, and Islam. Among followers of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo religion, fasting is especially frequent and structured. Observant individuals may fast for over 250 days a year. This typically involves abstaining from all animal-source foods (meat, dairy, eggs and fish) and often delaying meals until midday or later. Major fasting periods include Lent (known as Hudade), the Fast of the Apostles, and weekly fasts on Wednesdays and Fridays.

In Islam, fasting is most prominently observed during the holy month of Ramadan. During this period, adults abstain from all food and drink from dawn until sunset. While exemptions exist for pregnant and lactating women, as well as for those who are ill in all religions, many women still choose to participate fully or partially due to religious devotion and social expectations. In the study area the vast majority of WRA (94 %) were Orthodox Christians and among these, almost 77% practised religious fasting.

Fasting can have important nutritional implications for WRA, especially when it is frequent or prolonged. In contexts where diets are already limited, abstaining from animal-source foods can reduce intake of essential nutrients and high-quality protein. This may increase the risk of anemia, undernutrition, and micronutrient deficiencies. For pregnant and lactating women, the effects can be more pronounced. In the study area fasting contributed to inadequate dietary diversity of 73.5% of WRA. Even when exemptions exist, social and cultural pressures may lead women to fast despite increased nutritional needs.

Addressing these effects requires culturally sensitive approaches that respect religious practices while promoting adequate dietary intake during non-fasting periods or among those with higher nutritional needs. One important approach is to educate women on identifying suitable alternatives to animal-source foods during fasting periods, such as plant-based options that provide comparable nutrients. Further, broad awareness should be created about the significance of a nutritious diet for the health of WRA, as well as for their children, during and outside the fasting periods. The family is fundamental to bringing structural or ideological change within the community, as well as society as a whole. For this reason, governments and public health sectors should develop targeted strategies to improve diet quality during fasting seasons by engaging not only women, but also family members, neighbours, respected elders, and religious leaders.

4. Beyond Today: How Women’s dietary behaviour shapes Generations

Improving women’s nutrition is not only a health issue; it is also essential for the social and economic development of Ethiopia. Women of reproductive age require adequate and diverse diets to maintain their own health and to support healthy pregnancies, childbirth, and breastfeeding. When women are well nourished, they are more likely to give birth to healthy babies, and their children are more likely to grow, learn, and thrive. The effects of women’s nutrition extend beyond one generation. Poor maternal nutrition increases the risk of low birth weight, stunting, and poor cognitive development in children. These early disadvantages can persist throughout life, affecting educational achievement, productivity, and overall well-being. In this way, malnutrition can create a cycle that passes from one generation to the next. Improving women’s diets is therefore one of the most effective ways to break this cycle and promote healthier families and communities.

Ethiopia has made improving nutrition a national priority. Policies such as the National Nutrition Program (NNP) and the Seqota Declaration aim to reduce malnutrition, improve maternal and child health, and strengthen food systems across the country. These initiatives emphasise dietary diversity, nutrition education, and multi-sectoral collaboration involving health, agriculture, education, and social protection.

However, addressing malnutrition requires more than policies and programmes alone. Cultural norms, household dynamics, and gender roles such as those discussed earlier continue to shape what women eat and how food is allocated within families. Efforts to improve nutrition must therefore engage communities, promote gender equality, and address practices that unintentionally limit women’s access to nutritious foods.

Conclusion

Women’s dietary behaviour and their nutrition in Ethiopia is shaped by a complex interplay of cultural traditions, religious practices, and household dynamics. The consequences of inadequate dietary diversity extend far beyond individual health. At the same time, the emerging burden of overweight and obesity highlights the growing complexity of nutritional challenges in Ethiopia.

Addressing these issues requires a holistic and culturally sensitive approach. While national policies and dietary guidelines provide an important foundation, meaningful progress depends on engaging communities, challenging harmful norms, and promoting gender equality in food access and decision-making. Empowering women, improving dietary diversity, and aligning interventions with cultural and religious contexts are essential steps toward sustainable change. Finally, improving women’s nutrition is not only a matter of health but also a pathway to social and economic development. By investing in women’s well-being, Ethiopia can break the cycle of malnutrition, support healthier generations, and build a more resilient and prosperous future.

Simegn Alamirew is a sociologist with a Ph.D. in Social and Economic Studies from BOKU University of Natural Resources and Life Sciences in Vienna, Austria. She is a lecturer at Bahir Dar University and at Aksum University in Ethiopia and an activist promoting gender equality.

References

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